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Latest 06.08.2008
AFTER SARKOZY: THE FRENCH AGENDA FOR
EU MILITARISATION
Anyone watching the coverage of President
Sarkozy's visit could not fail to notice his sheer brazen arrogance.. Here was a
guy who, only the previous week, had stated that the Irish must vote again. That
this is not what happened in his own country, after the failed 2005 referendum
on the then Constitutional Treaty, seems to have slipped his mind.
However he came to Dublin claiming to
mend bridges. After his meetings with sections of the no campaign, Sarkozy
claimed to understand why some people voted no and he did not renew his call for
a revote. Indeed until the consultants hired by the government report back
on whether or not Lisbon II could succeed, we are unlikely to hear any direct
calls for a second referendum. The political elite after all need a period of
collective amnesia. However whether or not Lisbon is ratified, development
of the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) continues at an accelerated
pace under the French Presidency.
France, the EU and NATO
France now holds the Presidency of the EU
and got off the blocks quickly with a White Paper on Defence. Although the
paper deals primarily with reform of the French defence forces, it also sets out
a French wish-list for EU defence. During its presidency, Paris aims to
strengthen the military capabilities of the EU to reinforce Europe's role on the
international stage. Initiatives will include: beefing-up rapid
reaction capacity to 60,000 troops per year; developing an internal market in
weapons and other defence products; promoting closer member state cooperation on
defence research; updating the Petersberg 'conflict prevention' tasks; launching
an ERASMUS type training programme for cadets from across the EU; revisiting the
funding of military operations with a view to ensuring that all member states,
including those who do not participate, contribute financially to overseas
civilian and military operations. All of these developments would be
overseen by more regular meetings of EU defence ministers.
In tandem with the creation of a more
robust EU, next year France returns to NATO's military command. Although
France never actually left the alliance, General De Gaulle withdrew his officers
from NATO's military command structure in the 1960s after a fall-out with the
US. An abrasive attitude towards the US continued under Chirac who sought
to develop the EU into an alternative to NATO, thereby reducing the influence of
the US in Europe. Sarkozy has now broken with long-standing policy and
will push for a more robust Europe with increased EU-NATO
cooperation.
The Middle East
Despite realignment with Washington,
Sarkozy is conscious that the US, in the run-up to its presidential election,
has taken its eye off the Middle East. Hoping to increase France's
political and economic influence there, Sarkozy has recently befriended Syria,
called for a smooth US withdrawal from Iraq, launched a new Union for the
Mediterranean and offered an olive branch to Iran. However, France's
bloody record in North Africa and its support for the Débry regime in Chad means
that few should be fooled by these manoeuvres.
How to stop the militarisation of
Europe?
A majority of Irish voters quite rightly
rejected the Lisbon Treaty because of their opposition to a more militarised
Europe. It is unlikely that the defence aspects of Lisbon will be
discussed much during the French presidency in case it prompts us to reject the
treaty again. However we must not be complacent about winning a second
referendum. If that is the route the government decides to take, and it is
difficult to see what other route a neo-liberal government could take, then next
time around they will run a professional campaign. According to the
European Commission's recent survey, those who voted no were predominately:
working class, female, or from a rural background; while a large percentage of
those aged between 18 and 24 by and large abstained. It is these people
that the government will attempt to convince, most likely by attaching protocols
to the treaty or by securing a guarantee that all member states will retain a
Commissioner beyond the date specified in Lisbon.
Rather than waiting for a new yes
campaign, we should use the months ahead to promote the idea of a social
Europe. Instead of a meaningless charter we should demand a decent EU
minimum wage and the protection of our public services. Instead of
militarism under the guise of development, we should demand instant debt relief,
fair trade agreements and meaningful assistance to the majority world. And
instead of a hollow citizens' initiative, we should demand that citizens are
consulted regularly on EU policies and that impact assessments are carried out
before the EU seeks to force trade agreements on the developing world.
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